|Central American University - UCA
Number 437 | Diciembre 2017
Three electoral scenarios in three Nicaraguas
November 5 was the date Nicaraguan voters were
to elect municipal authorities for the next four-year term.
But all along the more urbanized Pacific and northwest strip,
most rejected the collapsed electoral system by abstaining.
In the vast rural zones of north and south central Nicaragua
they expressed their rejection by voting against the FSLN.
And in the other Nicaragua, the part consisting of the
North and South Autonomous Caribbean Regions,
the elections triggered still more violence.
We thus saw the results altered in three
different scenarios in three Nicaraguas.
THE US ELIMINATES TPS STATUS FOR NICARAGUANS
On November 7, the US government’s Department of Homeland Security lifted the Temporary Protection Status (TPS) granted to Nicaraguans in 1999 following... continuar...
Will Ortega make concessions between now and 2021?
Just days before this year’s municipal voting,
this seasoned Nicaraguan electoral observer
assessed how the election has been developing
and what we might expect on election day.
He also speculates on whether we should
expect improvements in the electoral system
between now and the 2021 presidential race…
What’s behind the upcoming municipal model?
The governing party went into the November 5 municipal elections
with 134 governments under its control and came away with 135,
some new, some old, some with reelected mayors and others with new ones.
What kind of maneuvering room will all these mayors have this time around?
The FSLN model for this new stage isn’t more of the same, it’s worse:
absolute dependence on Managua and utter submission
to the party hierarchies, in a flow chart this article details.
Municipal autonomy is a dead letter.
After 30 years of the Autonomy Statute, another autonomy is possible
Thirty years after its inception, the Autonomy regime has taken root in the Caribbean Coast’s social and political life. It’s an important benchmark establishing the rights of indigenous, Afro-descendant and mestizo peoples. However, an historically centralist and centralizing State, plus the present-day clout of the extractivist and agrarian models of wealth accumulation, pose considerable challenges for the Coast’s autonomy.
From the offensive against CICIG to Pandora’s Box
Here are the main highlights of the calamity that erupted in August,
adding to Guatemala’s pre-existing and seemingly interminable crisis.
While this new disaster has historical roots, its most immediate cause is
the offensive unleashed by the powerful and illicit political-economic networks
of businessmen, military officers, politicians, public officials and criminal structures that have been increasingly active since 2015.
The moral authority of the families of the 43
Parents and other relatives of the 43 students
from the teacher training school of Ayotzinapa
have led their determined struggle against the State for three years.
They’ve been actors, spokespeople and articulators of a national movement
that has challenged the “historical truth” imposed by the government.
These families’ moral authority has moved Amnesty International
to declare that the Ayotzinapa crime will be known as the
“historical lie” that marks Peña Nieto’s government.
How the “Dreamers” turned into a movement with power
Until a few years ago, the “Dreamers”,
who were brought in the United States as children,
studied or are studying there and speak English fluently,
were just one more segment of undocumented immigrants.
Today they’re the most accepted, even beloved of migrants.
There are 800,000 of them, mostly Mexicans and Central Americans.
They’re also a powerful movement that’s fighting for all “illegal” people.
How did they get to that place?